Creditors cut off Liberia's mail
http://allafrica.com/stories/200207050295.html
Liberia, which is already suffering under United Nations sanctions over
alleged links with rebels in Sierra Leone, is now faced with another sanction
- on mail leaving and coming into the country.
International postal bodies and airlines have imposed the embargo because of
Liberia's inability to pay its huge debts to those companies.
They include the Universal Postal Union, the Pan African Postal Union, Ghana
Airways and the giant Dutch airline, KLM. Liberia owes KLM alone around
$250,000 in carriage fees.
KLM has now asked Ghana Airways, the only international airline making
regular, weekly flights to Liberia, to stop picking up Monrovia's post. The
West African aircraft used to collect postage items from Monrovia and pass
them on to KLM since the European airliner does not fly to Liberia.
On Tuesday, a consignment of posted materials, including letters and parcels
which had been stuck in Ghana for more than two months, was returned to
Monrovia as an apparent indication of the seriousness of the embargo.
Liberia owes huge sums of money to the other companies, including more than
$50,000 to Ghana Airways.
These debts, which were in part incurred by President Charles Taylor's
Government, have been outstanding for more than 10 years, and concern
hundreds of items which were posted at high cost through the fast courier
system of the Liberian Postal Ministry, the Expedited Mail Service.
In May Ghana Post Company Limited informed the Ministry of Posts in Liberia
about the decision that it had reached with others to impose an embargo on
mail from and to Liberia.
But because the public was never told about the blockade, letters have
continued to pour into post offices in Liberia.
An official at the Postal Ministry, D Zotawon Titus, said the government was
addressing the situation. He said that since May the government has paid
around $20,000 to companies it is indebted to.
"This may sound like a drop in the desert, he said, "but if previous
governments and ministers had started tackling the problem, we wouldn't be
owing so much."
Alternative delivery services, such as DHL and Federal Express, are too
expensive for ordinary people.
From The Financial Gazette (Zimbabwe), 4 July
ZDI rejects gun-running charges
Zimbabwe Defence Industries (ZDI) boss Tshinga Dube this week denied a
report that the state-owned weapons-maker is supplying arms to Liberian
leader Charles Taylor and Sierra Leone-s Revolutionary United Front (RUF)
rebels. "It is totally false that we have supplied weapons to the west
Africans," Dube, a retired Zimbabwe army colonel, said in response to
queries from the Financial Gazette. "It is unfair for people to want to
conclude that, because ZDI used the same (international) bank that RUF and
the Liberians use, we therefore were supplying arms to them. That is simply
not true." In its latest edition, the Paris-based Indian Ocean Newsletter
charges that the ZDI is involved in a weapons-selling network which includes
gun-runners who supply Sierra Leone and Liberia. According to the newspaper,
the weapons are being bought mainly from former Eastern Block countries and
delivered to rebel groups in Liberia and Sierra Leone through neighbouring
Burkina Faso and Cote de-Voire. It says the ZDI allegedly paid for the
weapon purchases through a Hungary-based subsidiary of Italian bank Intesa
BCI, while rebel-clients also reportedly paid the Zimbabwean arms utility
through the same bank.
For example, the newspaper said the ZDI in April 1999 transferred close to
US$1.3 million to an arms supplier through the Hungarian bank. The
Zimbabwean arms manufacturer made another US$2.1 million transfer the
following month, it charged. In June, shortly after the two transfers by the
ZDI, three successive payments totalling about US$300 000 were made to the
Zimbabwean firm through the Hungarian bank. It is these payments to the ZDI
which, according to the newspaper, were suspected to have been from Taylor
and the RUF, both under an international arms embargo. Dube admitted making
payments for weapons through the Intesa BCI but said the ZDI was making
payments for its normal supplies for its weapons-making plant. He said the
firm had provided various suppliers with end-user-certificates confirming
that the ZDI was the end-user of all military goods supplied to it. He said
the ZDI had only used Intesa BCI at the request of the suppliers of the
materials.
Hope it was helpfull Littlejet .. ;-)
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn...-2002Jun3.html
washingtonpost.com
Liberian Leader Again Finds Means to Hang On
Taylor Exploits Timber to Keep Power
By Douglas Farah
Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, June 4, 2002; Page A01
ABIDJAN, Ivory Coast -- It was the end of March, and President Charles Taylor
of Liberia seemed out of options.
With U.N. sanctions tightening and a rebel force staging hit-and-run raids
near the capital city of Monrovia, Taylor was running low on cash. According
to sources with direct knowledge of events, diplomats and intelligence
analysts in the region, he had been unable to pay his elite commando units
since the beginning of the year.
As a result, Taylor's top commanders threatened revolt and sounded out
regional governments about overthrowing him, according to sources and
documents.
Diplomats predicted Taylor's imminent fall. South African mercenaries hired
to prop up his government left, their contracts canceled for lack of funds.
But as he had so many times in a career that has taken him from a U.S. prison
to the Liberian bush and then the presidential palace, Taylor turned to
Liberia's natural riches as the key to personal survival.
Selling timber concessions inside Sapo National Park, one of West Africa's
main woodland reserves, Taylor received several million dollars from the
Oriental Timber Co. of Hong Kong. The sum allowed him to buy back, at least
temporarily, the loyalty of his senior commanders and rearm his troops,
according to the sources.
"As of four weeks ago, Taylor was worse off than a year ago," said a U.S.
official monitoring events in Liberia. "But then he stopped the slippage, at
least for now. He can still acquire the resources he needs, but I don't think
the long-term prognosis is good."
Diplomats, analysts and intelligence sources say Taylor's unexpected rebound
not only illustrates the Liberian leader's resiliency, it also goes a long
way toward explaining why West Africa has been mired in violence and chaos
for more than a decade. Many fear that such instability is far from over,
despite peaceful elections held recently in nearby Sierra Leone and Mali.
Both as a rebel fighting for power and as a president fighting to hold on to
it, Taylor has been able to muster cash and weapons by exploiting anything of
value. Timber, iron ore and rubber from areas under his control, diamonds
from Sierra Leone and the sale of airplane and shipping registrations all
have kept Taylor on his feet.
Yet while Taylor has continued to find ways to buy weapons, Liberia has
virtually no health care system. The capital is without electricity and
running water, communication with the outside world is mostly limited to
satellite telephones, and the education system has collapsed. A civil war
that he helped foment and sustain in Sierra Leone left that country largely
in ruins and created security problems for Guinea next door. Even Osama bin
Laden's al Qaeda network was linked to Taylor, allegedly laundering millions
of dollars by buying diamonds from Sierra Leonean rebels under Taylor's
protection, according to sources familiar with the diamond trade and Western
intelligence officials.
"As long as Taylor is in power in Liberia, West Africa runs the risk of being
a failed region," said a European diplomat. "He is a threat not just at home,
but for spreading conflict far beyond his borders, as he has already amply
shown."
Taylor rose to prominence in late 1989 when, a few years after escaping from
a prison in Massachusetts where he was being held for possible extradition to
Liberia on embezzlement charges, he organized a revolt against President
Samuel K. Doe's brutal, corrupt government. Soon afterward, he helped form
the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) in Sierra Leone, which rose up against a
succession of weak governments there while working closely with Taylor's
Liberian rebels.
Doe was killed in 1990, but Liberia's civil war raged until 1996, with a
handful of factions and a West African peacekeeping force fighting among
themselves and plundering the country. A peace deal led to elections the next
year and Taylor, leader of the strongest rebel force, was chosen to be
president.
Once in power, Taylor continued to assist Sierra Leone's RUF, which gained
international notoriety for hacking limbs off civilians and abducting
thousands of children to fight in the war. In exchange for diamonds mined by
the RUF, Taylor supplied the rebel group with weapons, ammunition and
logistical support. As a result, the United Nations placed Liberia under an
arms embargo and banned Taylor, his senior government officials and their
families from traveling outside Liberia.
Nevertheless, Taylor's government was able to acquire weapons through myriad
sources -- including purchasing false end-user certificates from the
governments of Ivory Coast, Niger and Burkina Faso, and smuggling weapons
through Gambia and Chad, according to sources directly involved in the
weapons trade and Western intelligence officials. Analysts and diplomats say
such dealings have left West African nations unstable and their governments
weak.
"There is no doubt that the government of Liberia continues violating the
arms embargo," said a U.N. report on Liberia issued in April. "And the
proliferation of arms within [neighboring countries] is a reality."
Liberian officials did not respond to e-mails and telephone calls seeking
comment, but in recent nationwide radio addresses in Liberia, Taylor has
argued that the weapons ban was depriving his government of its legitimate
right to self-defense. He also denied meddling in other countries, instead
accusing Guinea, Britain and the United States of supporting the rebels
seeking to overthrow his government.
U.S. officials deny supporting the rebels. But they acknowledge that, after
sometimes heated debate, the Bush administration has opted not to publicly
condemn the rebels or their backers in Guinea as harshly as some U.S.
diplomats in West Africa would like.
Liberian sources, as well as senior U.S. and European officials, say Taylor
is more determined than ever to cling to power, largely because he fears
being prosecuted by a U.N. court being established in Sierra Leone to judge
those responsible for the atrocities and crimes against humanity committed in
that country.
"He is very, very concerned about the court," said a source who has spoken
with Taylor recently. "He thinks the British and the Americans want to make
an example of him and are pushing for his ouster."
U.S. officials who supported the tribunal said the court's mandate was made
deliberately broad to allow prosecution of Taylor and others outside Sierra
Leone who nonetheless drove the conflict.
"It would be interesting for us if Taylor were indicted," said one U.S.
official. "I think we would take great delight in saying 'Let justice be
done.' "
However, it is not clear that Taylor's ouster would improve Liberia's woeful
state.
The rebel force now fighting Taylor, Liberians United for Reconciliation and
Democracy, is described by regional intelligence officials as a motley
assortment of some of the worst elements who fought in Liberia's civil war,
both for and against Taylor. The rebels have offered no program for
governance, no ideology and no political vision beyond getting rid of Taylor.
Military sources in the region describe the rebel force as lacking
command-and-control structures. They say it is undisciplined, and that it is
as likely to prey on the civilian population as Taylor's notorious government
forces.
The president of Guinea, Gen. Lansana Conte, has made little effort to hide
his military's support for the rebels, despite widespread reports of their
human rights abuses. Despite some congressional misgivings about Guinea's
support for the rebels, the Guinean military will receive $3 million in U.S.
military aid for training and communications equipment this year.
With the RUF disarmed in Sierra Leone and international attention focused on
cutting off the flow of diamonds through Taylor's network, Taylor has turned
increasingly to timber to fund his regime.
Sources with direct knowledge of Taylor's arms shipments, whose information
was confirmed by intelligence sources in West Africa, said most weapons were
coming to Liberia by sea, primarily in logging ships, because such shipments
are much more difficult to monitor and detect than air shipments.
While logging companies have long operated in Liberia, Taylor's deal with
Oriental Timber Co. (OTC) was the first time the Sapo park was opened up for
exploitation, endangering the fragile ecosystem that is home to thousands of
unique species of plants and animals.
OTC, which has come under criticism by environmental groups, already owned
Liberia's largest timber concession outside the protected area. The company
has been identified in a series of U.N. reports compiled since December 2000
as a key provider of weapons to Taylor's government. U.S. and European
intelligence officials and sources with direct knowledge of events concur
with those findings.
A study released in May by Global Witness, a nonprofit organization in London
that investigates connections between the exploitation of natural resources
and human rights abuses, found "direct links between Liberia's timber
industry and the network of illegal arms transfers, private militias and
human rights abuses that threaten international peace and security in western
Africa."
According to internal OTC documents obtained by The Washington Post,
OTC-chartered ships delivered weapons to Taylor at the Liberian port of
Buchanan on Sept. 28, Oct. 28 and Nov. 16, 2001. The shipments contained
about 7,000 boxes of ammunition for AK-47 assault rifles, 5,000
rocket-propelled grenades, 300 howitzer shells and tons of other equipment.
Regional intelligence sources and sources familiar with Taylor's weapons
network said an additional 30 tons of weapons on OTC-chartered ships arrived
at Buchanan in mid-January.
OTC's manager in Liberia, Gus Kouwenhoven, did not respond to numerous
e-mails and faxes seeking comment. In a faxed statement delivered last year,
Kouwenhoven, a Dutch national, strongly denied any OTC or personal
involvement in the arms trade.
Kouwenhoven, who is under the U.N. travel ban for his alleged role in the
weapons trade, said that OTC operates "in strict conformity with the terms
and conditions of our timber concession agreement with the government" and
that the company has "never paid any funds directly or personally to
President Taylor."
Last month the United Nations gave Liberia six months to draw up "transparent
and internationally verifiable audit regimes" to ensure revenue derived from
the timber industry was "used for legitimate social, humanitarian and
development purposes."
U.S. and British officials, who had unsuccessfully pushed for an
international ban on Liberian timber in the Security Council, said the new
requirement was a half step at best but would allow stronger action against
the timber industry in the future.
A senior U.S. official said that "if we can effectively cut off the timber,
especially OTC, the man [Taylor] is in big trouble. His reach is already
diminished with the falloff of his diamond trade. But he always seems to find
a way to hang on."
© 2002 The Washington Post Company